Aim. The purpose of the study is to answer the question about the ideological positioning of Peter I in the context of various discursive models. The author reconstructs the value orientations and views of the emperor from the standpoint of various methodological approaches.

Methodology. The study used methodological techniques of discursive analysis, content analysis and historiographic modeling. When identifying the image of Peter I in the historical consciousness of the Russian population, the method of a sociological survey was used.

Results. The result of the study was identification of the main models of the ideological positioning of Peter I in the context of historiographic and socio-political discourse. It is concluded that there is a public demand for the development of a new integrated model for presenting the ideological portrait of Peter I based on a civilizational approach and a patriotic narrative of representing the history of Russia.

Research implications. The presented study creates the basis for the formation of a new methodological model for understanding the figure of Peter I in the context of the ideological currents of time.

Aim. The purpose of this article is to show the complex and contradictory nature of the church and state reform of Peter I, which reflected the catastrophic time of Peter the Great’s shock modernization during the Northern War.

Methodology. The article analyzes cardinal structural changes in the church and state relations during the period of Peter the Great’s reformations. While conducting the research, system analysis, problem-historical and comparative-typological methods, were applied, determined by the research topic.

Results. The article provides well-grounded evidence of Peter the Great’s reconstruction of the transition from the Byzantine model of the “symphony” of spiritual and secular authorities as a centuriesold mechanism of state administration to Western European absolutism of government. The authors come to the conclusion that the authorities misunderstood the importance of strengthening the traditional non-forceful spiritual and religious bonds of the Russian statehood, which subsequently had an extremely negative impact on the fate of the Romanov empire. Author’s editions to the following concepts are introduced: “symphony” of priesthood and kingdom, church and state, as well as Western European absolutism.

Research implications. The theoretical and/or practical significance of the article is determined by the importance of strengthening church-state relations as the fundamental basis of the spiritual and moral values of the thousand-year Russian history. The results of the authors’ research make a significant contribution to the historiography of the issues under consideration.

Aim. The purpose of the article is to analyze several forms of state propaganda of Peter the Great’s era.

Metodology. The author analyzes the semantic load that allegoric portraits of Peter the Great, commemorative medals, orders, decor of ships, performances and triumphs carried out in the Western European manner. The basis of the study is determined by the principle of historicism, which requires interpretation of meanings, based on the beliefs of the late 17th – early 18th centuries. The methodology of comparative analysis of Western and Russian sources was applied.

Results. The analysis revealed the superficiality of Peter the Great’s Europeanization in the ideological sphere, the substitution of the idea of the «common good» in the interpretation of the tsar. In essence, the state ideology of that time was the form of the development of the former «Old Moscow » socio-political views which were developed as a part of the Russian patrimonial monarchy, ornamented by European allegorical «decor».

Research implications. The conclusion made is practically not found in domestic historiography and emphasizes the attention of researchers to that part of Peter the Great’s ideology which was connected with the old basis of the sociocultural system of Russia rather than with with the «innovations».

Aim. Analytical study of the genesis of the institute of amanatism (political hostage-taking) and its development in Peter the Great’s era.

Methodology. The article applied the principles of objectivity, dialectics, scientificity and historicism, analysis and synthesis. To reveal the topic, general scientific methods were used, as well as historical-legal, problem-chronological, systemic, and comparative-historical methods of research.

Results. Amanatism is an ancient legal institution based on the norms of customary law and rather widespread. In the era of Peter the Great, the institute of amanatism finally took shape and proceeded to be efficiently used in the exploration of the Far East and the North Pacific Ocean. Representatives of the tribal elite were mainly used as amanats. Many of them actively absorbed Russian culture, language, traditions, some became translators, guides and even priests.

Research implications. The data obtained can be of practical importance in building policies in relation to the indigenous population, and can also be useful in studying a wide range of questions on the history of Asia-Pacific countries.

Aim. The purpose of the article is to study Peter the Great’s plans for the Russian Arctic and analyze the development of the Arctic coast of Russia in the Peter the Great’s era.

Methodology. The study is based on the authors’ work with sources, as well as the generalization of data given in the Russian historical literature. The article uses problem-chronological, historicalsystematic and comparative-historical methods.

Results. The study of the development dynamics of the Arctic coast of the Russian Empire under Peter I showed that at that time there was a transition from a resource scheme to the logistics one. New proofs of the «Japanese vector» of Peter the Great’s aspirations and the organization of the search for the Northeast Passage are presented

Research implications. The concept of three factors of domestic development of the Arctic was created: resource, logistics and military-strategic. According to the authors, it is more productive than the idea of waves of Russian colonization of Siberia (fur, metal and agrarian) which exists in historical literature today. The materials of the article can be used in the development of special courses and special seminars on the period of Peter the Great’s transformations, the history of the Russian Arctic, the history of geographical discoveries.

Aim. The paper analyses two interviews by Grand Duke Vladimir to the American newspapers at January 1905.

Methodology. The article considers the media campaign against the Grand Duke Vladimir which was a part of media war waged mostly by the British newspapers during the Russo-Japanese war. Two interviews of grand Duke Vladimir to the American papers were an attempt by Russian government to convey the official Russian position on the events of January 1905 to the American public. The article considers the reviews and comments by British and Russian media.

Results. British newspapers made Grand Duke Vladimir the scapegoat of tragic events of January 9 (22) in Petersburg. His interviews were an important component of the official reaction to these events. Thus, Russian government demonstrated to the international and domestic audience that it remains in full control and can rely on loyalty of the army. The event of January 9 (22) was explained as a socialist riot suppressed by action of the military. Bystanders were seen as innocent collateral victims of the events. Vladimir finger pointed to the defamation campaign of western, mostly British, papers. Opinion of the Grand Duke Vladimir was similar to the published views of other contemporaries. Measures to maintain law and order were important for the further development in the imperial capital.

Research implications. This analysis helps to establish a more complex and balanced view of the events of January 1905 in Petersburg. Lessons of the January riot were learned by both the government and the revolutionaries.

Methodology. The authors studied a set of sources, phrased and verified the hypothesis of the article based on the analysis of authentic facts with the involvement of a representative historiographical sample.

Results. Social deviations were an integral and quite significant part of everyday life and sociopolitical development of the USSR during the Great Patriotic War. They were distinguished by a significant type and species diversity. Given the extreme historical conditions, it may be stated that deviant behavior was an additional risk factor that significantly reduced the stability and resistance of the Soviet Union in the face of external aggression. At the same time, Soviet society and the state developed a wide range of educational and repressive measures that allowed not only to stop the negative social consequences of deviant behavior, but also to increase the viability of the social system. The absolutization of negative examples as an argument in favor of a negative assessment of the entire Soviet era is unacceptable. The prevention of the development of social deviations into a destructive pathogenesis of society and the state was the result of the successful synthesis of values and principles of traditional society with the technologies of the Modern era in management.

Research implications. The data and scientific results systematized in the article help to gain a deeper understanding of the Soviet era, allowing in the future to build a unified theory of the history of Russia in the twentieth century. In addition, the materials of the article can be used in teaching students of humanities and patriotic education of schoolchildren.

Aim. To study the influence of the Indian policy of Viceroy Curzon on the development of the Indian National Congress and the national movement in British India in the late 19th – early 20th centuries.

Methodology. Based on the annual reports on the sessions of the Indian National Congress, the works of the Congress leaders (A. O. Hume, G. K. Gokhale) and Curzon, the author considers the problem of the relationship between the INC and the government, Curzon’s views on India’s place in the British Empire, the influence of the Viceroy’s administrative decisions on the processes of internal development of the Congress and the national movement.

Results. It is concluded that the repressive measures of Curzon contributed to the intensification of contradictions within the Congress, which led to a revision of the organizational structure and tactics of the Congress. These included the adoption of the constitution of the Congress and its subsequent modification, strengthening of the democratic wing in the Congress, which advocated the use of more active methods of struggle for fulfillment of Congress’ demands.

Research implications. The theoretical justification of the crisis of the Indian national movement at the beginning of the 20th century, which contributed to the gradual transition of the movement into a phase of active struggle against the British colonialists, is presented. The peculiarities of liberal and conservative political thought of Great Britain in relation to the question of the colonies place in the empire and the ways of their development are shown.

Aim. The purpose of this work is to analyze the evolution of the official assessment of the events that took place in Czechoslovakia in 1968.

Methodology. The article examines the changes in the official interpretation of the 1968 Czechoslovak events that took place in the Soviet Union/Russia, Czechoslovakia (Czech Republic and Slovakia), as well as their assessment in the United States. While carrying out the research, the methods of analysis, synthesis, the historical method and the method of comparative analysis were used.

Results. In the course of the study, it was discovered that the evolution of the official assessment of the Czechoslovak events in 1968 was influenced by a number of objective and subjective factors. The official (political) assessment does not always take into account the specific historical situation of those events and addresses them from the standpoint of the present day, i.e., it is often opportunistic in nature.

Research implications. The research results contribute to the theory and practice of the formation of an official assessment of historical events, allows to identify objective and subjective factors that influence the formation of this assessment.

Aim. To determine the peculiarities of the interpretation of the domestic and foreign policy of the Russian Empire during the reign of Alexander III in university textbooks on national history of the Soviet and post-Soviet (1990s) periods.

Methodology. The authors have made comparative analysis of the texts of Soviet and contemporary national history textbooks for higher education, concerning the assessment of various aspects of Alexander III’s domestic and foreign policy.

Results. The authors have empirically tested the influence on the assessment of the domestic and foreign policy of the government of Alexander III, the nature and depth of the presentation of the historical material according to the ideological situation characteristic of the time of compiling university textbooks on Russian history.

Research implications. The factors influencing the assessment of Alexander III’s domestic and foreign policy in university textbooks of the Soviet and modern periods, as well as the depth of the historical material presented in them, are determined.

Aim. To identify the main model approaches to the interpretation of the ideology and organizational practice of Russian monarchism at the beginning of the 20th century. To carry out a correlation of the put forward assessments of the monarchical movement with ideological and philosophical-historical paradigms.

Methodology. The study used the methodology of humanitarian modeling. On the basis of a wide range of historiographical and historical-journalistic sources, general characteristics were singled out in understanding the history of Russian monarchism from the standpoint of different models. Correlation of these models with the directions of ideological discourse was carried out.

Results. Five historiographic models for representing the ideology and political activity of the Russian monarchist movement were described. It is concluded that there is an increase in the demand for appeals to the ideas of Russian monarchists of the early 20th century, a tendency is found to move from a predominantly negative to a positive coverage of the activities of monarchist organizations.

Research implications. The description of historiographic models can serve as a typological map for further research on the problems of the history of Russian monarchism. The results of the work may also be in demand in the formation of a new ideological agenda for the development of Russia.

Aim. Comprehensive review of historiography on the Soviet award system.

Methodology. The author analyzed various aspects of faleristic publications – books, articles, scientific and other works, internet resources, – based on the principles of objectivity and consistency.

Results. The classification of Soviet and post-Soviet literature on state awards of the USSR is given, its qualitative assessment is made, conclusions are drawn about the degree of informative content of publications and trends in modern researches.

Research implications. The author managed to update the information about the existing historiography of the Soviet award system and the degree of study of its individual aspects.

Aim. The article aims at conducting historical and political analysis of the functioning of representative authorities in one of the largest constituent entities of the Russian Federation - the Rostov Region from the beginning of perestroika to the present (1985–2022). In the 37-year historical range under consideration, a number of stages is distinguished, within the framework of which significant political changes took place: both personnel and in the activities of the regional parliament.

Methodology. A wide range of historical and political sources characterizing the dynamics of development and the functioning of the regional parliament was analyzed. The work applied comparative and retrospective analysis methods, as well as an institutional approach.

Results. On the basis of the conducted research, several stages of the functioning of the Don parliament were determined. The representative body (the Regional Council of People’s Deputies, the Legislative Assembly of the Rostov region) differentially implemented in its activities the functions peculiar to parliamentary structures (representative, control, legislative activity, personnel and leadership), occupied both key and dependent roles in the regional political system, was formed by means of electoral models modified depending on the established legislative models. In the course of the study, the place and role of party participation in the deputy corps of the representative authority in the Rostov region were determined, a detailed description of the composition of the regional authority of various deputy convocations was given, the dynamics in the representation of women and youth in the ranks of parliamentarians was traced.

Research implications. The conducted research analyzes for the first time the order of functioning of a representative regional authority in the specified historical range. The conclusions made by the author allow us to determine the contours of further evolution and improvement of the activities of the regional parliament of the Rostov region.

Aim. To reveal the main interests of Japanese foreign policy in the countries of the South Caucasus.

Methodology. Based on the analysis of the programs and instruments of Japan’s «soft power» in the countries of South Caucasus, the main interests of the country in this region were identified, including the expansion of connecting transport routes between Europe and Asia, as well as the promotion of the «Eurasian Policy» of Tokyo and the influence increase in the important geopolitical space. To determine the dynamics of the provision of humanitarian assistance to Japan within the ODA (Official Development Assistance) the available data of the last 5 years was analyzed. The practical experi ence of the main grant program (Grant Assistance for Grassroots Human Security Projects – GGP) and the scholarship program (MEXT scholarship) implemented in the Transcaucasian countries is summarized. The analysis of the interstate humanitarian cooperation within the framework of the «Japan’s Caucasus Initiative» was also carried out.

Results. When researching the activities of Japan in the South Caucasian countries, the author determined that Japan is aimed at expanding the policy of «Eurasian Policy» actively implementing the instruments of «soft power» in the countries of the Transcaucasia. It also revealed the need to deepen research of the implementation of «soft power» in the South Caucasus not only of the «traditional» interested actors (Western countries), but also the Asian ones including Japan.

Research implications. The author considers the under-investigated topic of the implementation of non-military tactics by Japan in the South Caucasus, summarizes and analyzes various instruments of «soft power», including the «Japan’s Caucasus Initiative», identifies the motives of Tokyo’s activity in this direction.