Aim. Analysis of current trends in the study and teaching of World War II history and the Great Patriotic War within the context of information and political confrontation and formation of collective memory on the occasion of the 80-year anniversary of Victory.

Methodology. Methods of discourse analysis, comparative analysis of educational practices, historical and genetic analysis of transformations of historical narratives in textbooks in Russia, Europe, and Ukraine.

Results. The main mechanisms of falsification and politicization of the history of the war are revealed: the substitution of concepts, the introduction of an Anglo-Saxon teaching model that ignores the role of the USSR, and the purposeful formation of an anti-Russian historical identity in Ukraine. The evolution of Russian textbooks from the critical revision of the 1990s to the patriotic paradigm based on the concept of «Russia-state-civilization» is shown.

Research implication. The results of the research can be used to develop a methodology to counteract the falsification of history, improve curricula and textbooks, as well as strengthen historical memory and national identity in the educational system and information policy.

Aim. The study is to establish whether there was a historical prototype of the folklore hero Dobrynya Zlata Poyas, as well as a historical reconstruction of his possible biography.

Methodology. Special methods of cognition (historical-analytical and problem-chronological) were used in the study. The materials that form the basis of the study were studied and analyzed taking into account the chronology of events and the need to obtain historical information from the scientific sources being processed.

Results. Based on the analysis of evidence from late chronicles, toponymic data and folklore sources, an analysis of several episodes in the biography of Dobrynya Ryazanich was carried out. It was concluded that the folklore image of Dobrynya Ryazanich Zlata Poyas could well have been a Ryazan service boyar from the Dobrynich family, who served Prince Konstantin Vsevolodovich for a long time and died in the battle with the Mongols on the Kalka River.

Research implications. The results of the study can be used in the reconstruction of ancient Russian history of the late 12^th – early 13^th centuries.

Aim. The goal. Review of the discussions in the bureaucratic environment of post-reform Russia on the development of local financial management.

Methodology. Guided by the principle of determinism and using, first of all, the historical and systematic method, the author analyzes the decision-making process on the development of the financial management system in post-reform Russia, attaching special importance to the interdepartmental and intradepartmental conflicts arising around this topic.

Results. It has been proven that the self-interested interests of senior and middle-level officials in the financial department played a significant role in the failure of attempts to unify financial management at the local level, which hindered the further development of taxation towards the introduction of an income tax.

Research implications. Features of management interactions in the management apparatus of post-reform Russia are disclosed using the example of a financial department. The materials of the article can be used in further research on the history of public administration in Russia.

Aim. To identify the specifics and influence of the publication's editorial policy on the perception of the student movement in the public consciousness.

Methodology. The article analyzes the coverage of the student movement in the second half of the 19^th century in the newspaper «Moskovskie vedomosti». The methodological basis is the historicalgenetic method, as well as the historical-systemic and ideographic approach.

Results. The results of the study reveal the mechanisms of interaction between the conservative press and the university community, and also contribute to understanding the role of the periodical press in shaping public opinion during a crisis period in Russian history.

Research implications. The study reveals the ambiguous role of the publication: on the one hand, the publications of «Moskovskie vedomosti» contributed to the escalation of the conflict and the radicalization of the protest, while on the other hand, the newspaper tried to stabilize the academic environment by exerting moral influence on young people and supporting apolitical students.

Aim. Determine the possibility of using the criterion of military losses in the Great Patriotic War to determine the effectiveness of warfare by the Red Army and the Wehrmacht.

Methodology. The article is devoted to determining the numbers of losses of the Red Army and the Wehrmacht with the allies and assessing the reasons for the difference in losses of the parties. This problem is considered both from the point of view of an independent scientific problem, and the question of the effectiveness of armies and warfare, which often in scientific and public thought slips into the maxim «they threw corpses», as a summary of the reasons for the victory of the USSR. For the study, a statistical analysis of losses, a comparative method, and a historical genetic method are used.

Results. The author concludes that the irretrievable losses of the Red Army amounted to 8.7 million or 10 million people, the losses of the Wehrmacht and allies on the Eastern Front amounted to at least 5 million. At the same time, the problem of numbers includes such an unaccounted factor as service on the side of the Wehrmacht of former soldiers and officers of the Red Army, who are attributed to the losses of the Soviet side, and died fighting on the side of Germany. Another «statistical problem» is «super-mortality» (in comparison with the mortality of Germans and allies) among Soviet servicemen in German captivity, which is not related to hostilities, but is a matter of targeted destruction of prisoners of war, which amounted to 1.8 million people. The author concludes that the difference in losses between the Red Army and the Wehrmacht refers to the advantage of the first strike. During the first year and a half of the war, the Red Army lost 60% or more (killed, died after injuries, missing and captured) of the Soviet armed forces throughout the war. The difference in losses of the Soviet armed forces and German with the Allies is: 1) 3.6–5 million troops in numbers that are confirmed by existing data; 2) 2–3 million – in the coordinate system of the same mortality rate among prisoners of war; 3) 1–2 million – with the assumption of losses not taken into account among the German (and allies), but added to the Soviet armed forces. Translating into the language of «effectiveness of military operations», leadership and army, the German side «fought better» by the difference of 1–5 million troops. This could be argued if it was a matter of economic and financial indicators, but it is hardly acceptable to issues of war. For example, if the spacecraft began to take revenge in the occupied territory, shooting all representatives of armed formations, the ratio of loss figures would change places, but this would not mean a change in the military effectiveness of the Red Army. The losses of the parties show that the Wehrmacht was stronger than the Red Army in July–November 1941, but in December 1941 this army was defeated near Moscow.

Research implications. The conclusions of the study can be used to continue research on the history of the USSR during the Second World War. Research materials and conclusions can be used in teaching the course of Russian History.

Aim. The purpose of the presented article is to identify the name of the main groups of scarce goods, causes and consequences based on written appeals from Soviet citizens to the newspaper Pravda, to complain about the shortage of goods, to verify the accuracy of the information in the letters with the office documentation of the Central Committee of the CPSU.

Methodology. The article examines a set of unpublished historical sources on the subject of research. In addition to general scientific methods, the article used comparative, historical-genetic and other methods.

Results. The study identified the main groups of scarce goods, the causes of the shortage, and the efforts of party and government agencies and the public to combat the shortage and its consequences.

Research implications. The results of this study contribute to study of the history of our country during the pre-perestroika years of the late Soviet period, when in the USSR was creating a breeding ground for the spread of the “consumer paradise” values that were alien to socialism.

Aim. This study aims to identify patterns of the methods of the personnel policy which was carried out by I. Stalin and M. Gorbachev.

Methodology. In this study the author analyzes the sources, the collection, the monograph and the reminiscences of participants of the events, related to the personnel policy in the USSR in the years of perestroika. To achieve the aim, the following methods have been applied: the analysis, the synthesis, the generalization, the chronological and qualitative methods.

Results. In this article the key methods of the personnel policy of M. Gorbachev, that we borrowed from I. Stalin, are demonstrated. The perestroika, that was initiated by M. S. Gorbachev, led to significant changes in political and economic structures of the country, however, misunderstanding of personnel shifts created a unique situation when attempts to reform the system faced resistance from the ‘nominees’, that eventually contributed to crisis growing and the collapse of the Soviet model of governance.

Research implications. The study of the processes and methods of personnel shifts during different historical periods allows a better understanding of adaptation mechanisms of political structures to new conditions. It contributes to the identification of a correlation between personnel decisions and political processes. The article can serve as a basis for comparative studies between other countries, undergoing similar transitional processes.

Aim. Identifying the role of the family in the formation of the worldview of V. V. Zhirinovsky.

Methodology. This article is based on the memoirs of V. V. Zhirinovsky about the life of his family, as well as published paperwork (including the Rivne District Court). An analysis of this corpus of sources, as well as biographical literature devoted to the life and work of V. V. Zhirinovsky, are the basis for studying this problem. The main method of scientific research has become a comparative historical approach.

Results. The analysis revealed that it was his family that shaped the future politician's character. It should be noted that this article is part of the first dissertation research devoted to the formation of V. V. Zhirinovsky's political views. In writing this article, significant material drawn from memoirs devoted to this topic was summarized. For the first time, documents from the Rivne Regional Archives were used, reflecting several episodes from the professional life of Zhirinovsky's grandfather, Itzhak Eidelstein.

Research implications. The historical significance of the study lies in the systematization and classification of this data. The practical significance lies in the possibility of using these materials in relevant specialized courses in the teaching of modern Russian history and political science.

Aim. To identify the evolution of mass consciousness among different strata of the multi-ethnic space of the North Caucasus in the context of the development of the revolutionary process in Russia at the beginning of the 20^th century.

Procedure and methods. The use of the system-functional analysis method in the analysis of archival documents and historical literature helped to determine the place and role of the North Caucasus in the system of Russian socio-political processes. The use of the comparative method allowed us to identify the uniqueness of the regional perception of the era of revolutions and to understand the system of cause-and-effect relationships of the local population's participation in the revolution.

Results. The analysis of the sources used led to the conclusion that, despite the pre-industrial level of development of the peoples of the North Caucasus, they understood the importance of social and interethnic compromise due to the geographical and sociocultural characteristics of the region. This explains the democratic nature of the demands of both the elite and the working-class population. Therefore, the majority of the region's population supported the February Revolution.

Research implications. The conclusion about the continuity of the historical destinies of Russia and the North Caucasus was confirmed and substantiated, despite the periodic discreteness of the relationship. The experience of interaction and mutual influence of the center and the region is important for identifying factors that contribute to the growth of integration opportunities for the development of the Russian community in a changing world order.

Aim. To identificate trends in theoretical understanding and practical measures in modern Russia to preserve the metacultural paradigm of Russian civilization.

Methodology. The article analyzes regulatory and legislative acts, current scientific and journalistic materials, and regional practices in order to determine the achieved results in understanding the historical experience of interethnic interaction, in order to determine possible vectors for further education in light of the implementation of the Decree of the President of the Russian Federation «On the Strategy of the State National Policy of the Russian Federation for the Period up to 2036.»

Results. The study identifies key formats for highlighting the contribution of individual peoples and the Russian people as a state-forming nation to the creation of Russian civilization.

Research implications. The results of the study can be used to prepare educational events and lectures aimed at developing a civilizational approach in history education, drawing on traditional Russian values.

Aim. Conducting a comparative analysis of the views of Anglo-American and Soviet researchers of the Institute of Military Commissars of the Red Army in the pre-war years.

Methodology. The primary research methods were diachronic and historical-comparative. A comparative analysis was conducted of the views of Anglo-American and Soviet researchers on issues related to the introduction of the institution of military commissars in the Red Army in 1937. The issues under study were examined in their development and changes over time.

Results. It was found that Western researchers associate the introduction of the military commissar institution with the upcoming repressions and focus primarily on the oversight function of this institution. No changes in views were observed depending on the time of publication. In studies by Soviet historians, changes in assessments were observed depending on the time of publication.

Research implications. The essence and content of methodological approaches in the study of the institution of military commissars by Anglo-American and Soviet historians was clarified.

Aim: To restore some pages of the history of the creation of the League of Nations and the Pan-European Movement; to study the main decisions of the League of Nations in Locarno, the First Congress of Pan-Europeanists in Vienna, in general, and through the prism of the «Russian/Soviet question,» in particular; to reveal the main discussions in historical literature about the place and role of the League of Nations and the Pan-European Movement in the 1920s in international life.

Methodology. The study is based on the principles of objectivity and historicism, and employs the historical-comparative and historical-systemic methods of historical research.

Results. The article reinterprets some pages of the history of the creation of the League of Nations and the Pan-European Union in the 1920s; provides a critical analysis of some of Richard Kudenhove-Kalergi's ideas; offers an author's assessment of the main decisions made at the Locarno Conference and the First Pan-European Congress; reveals the specifics of their policies on the «Russian/Soviet issue»; and presents hypothetical consequences of the League of Nations and the Pan-European Congress' actions in their confrontation with the USSR.

Research implications. The article contributes to a new interpretation of the history of the creation of the League of Nations and the Pan-European Union in the 1920s, as well as to the study of their policies on the «Russian/Soviet issue.» The research's generalizations and conclusions will help to gain a better understanding of the activities of the League of Nations, pacifists, and the Pan-European Union during this period. The findings can be used in writing scientific articles or preparing research reports on related topics.

Aim. To apply the methods of the civilizational approach to the concept of the socio-political struggle of the Little Russian Cossacks, outlined by Mikhail Osipovich Koyalovich in his fundamental scientific and educational work «Readings on the History of Western Russia».

Methodology. A preliminary analysis is carried out of the essence of the so-called «parties» of the Cossacks, which appeared in the 17th century, as their historical role and the program of political struggle were presented by M. O. Koyalovich. Then a civilizational approach is applied to the systematized material.

Results. It is concluded that the presence and struggle of Cossack parties in the middle of the 17^th and early 18th centuries on the territory of Little Russia reflect a much more global historical phenomenon, namely, the presence of a complex civilizational rift in the Little Russian lands during this period.

Research implications. The article analyzes the fundamental classical historical work, which is currently actualized by the events of political reality.

Aim. To study the evolution of the legislative framework of the Bashkir governance system in the Russian state in the pre-revolutionary period.

Methodology. The study of the formation of a management system for the Bashkir population within the Russian state required the use of a set of methods combining general scientific and sociohistorical approaches. The choice of methodology is conditioned by the need to analyze the legal framework, social processes and changes in the status of the Bashkir population.

Results. The pre-revolutionary experience of Bashkir membership, cooperation with Russians and other ethnic groups, further contributed to their successful development within the framework of Soviet autonomy and at the present time.

Research implications. The study of the management system of the Bashkir population allows us to better understand the mechanisms of integration of non-Russian peoples into the Russian state, to determine the specifics of administrative and legal campaigns for the management of ethnic groups. The study contributes to the discussion of «nomadic feudalism» and the nature of the subjugation of nomadic and semi-nomadic peoples. Studying the historical experience of the Russian state's interaction with different ethnic groups is useful for developing strategies for interethnic dialogue in modern Russia.

Aim. The purpose of the study is to identify the specifics of the interpretation and implementation of digital sovereignty in the context of the national strategies of the United States, Russia and China, as well as to analyze the impact of these approaches on international relations and global Internet governance.

Methodology. The study relies on the concept of frame analysis to study scientific publications and sources. Additionally, comparative analysis is used to compare approaches to digital sovereignty in the United States, Russia and China, taking into account historical, cultural and political features. Qualitative analysis of texts in Russian, English and Chinese allows us to identify key narratives and practices in this area.

Results. The study demonstrates the dominance of the United States in the digital space. In turn, Russia and China seek to counter this hegemony. Russia focuses on protecting the national segment of the Internet and reducing dependence on Western technologies, while China is developing an autonomous digital ecosystem, relying on state control and cultural and historical specifics.

Research implications. The study expands the understanding of the transformation of the classical concept of sovereignty in the digital age. The results of the study provide tools for analyzing national digital sovereignty strategies and their impact on international relations.