This chronicle is a continuation of the publications, placed in No. 2 and 3 of the Bulletin of Moscow Region State University. Series: History and Political Sciences. The chronicle reflects the development of the revolutionary process during September-November of 1917. The publication also includes a brief introduction to the chronicle of those three revolutionary months.

The round table is devoted to the problems of the Russian revolutionary year of 1917. The authors scrutinize the aspects of the periodization of the revolutionary chronicle, historical consciousness, questions of anti-October propaganda, the Bolsheviks’ political technologies, as well as the nuances of the historiography of the revolution. Today the challenges of revolutions of a new type (the so-called "color revolutions") are becoming more actualized for different countries of the world. The results of the round table can be used by the state and regional authorities, as they give an understanding of the mechanisms for the development of social problems in the revolution. Besides, the study of the revolutionary events which took place a hundred years ago gives the cognitive basis for a timely response to these challenges in the interests of the future of Russia.

Addressing the events which happened a hundred year ago, the author aims at describing the situation of the impending and breaking out October drama. Its contemporaries and participants’ voices seem to be heard again. They are not recoded on the tapes of tape-recorders or other recording instruments, but can be seen on the yellow from time pages of newspapers, diaries and memoirs. Among the eyewitnesses to those events there is V.N. Murav’ev (Reverend Seraphim Vyritsky), general F.Ya. Rostkovsky, political figures V.A. Bazarov (Rudnev), P.N. Mil’ukov, L.D. Trotsky, the writer M. Gorky.

The article describes the preconditions for the Russian revolution of 1917. It analyzes the dialectic of the objective and subjective factors in the political processes before the revolution. It raises the question on how deeply the political decisions of the authorities can influence those processes. The author suggests using the method of "the reciprocal projection" and comparing the social economical consequences of the reforms of the 1860-ies and 1990-ies in Russia. The conclusion is made that in both cases such reforms result in property to be concentrated in the hands of a rather small group of people. To define them the author suggests using the notion "prorieters". The interests of proprietors become the main limitation of the power when making political decisions.

The article is devoted to the theme of «little war» unfolded during the Patriotic war of 1812. The invasion of Napoleon's army caused the patriotic enthusiasm in the Russian society. The partisan movement developed in the territories occupied by the French. The «little war» became an important component of this struggle against the French invaders. The author dwells on the historiography of the last decade and distinguishes three main problems in the study of the «little war»: the issue of the time the war started; the authorship of the idea; and the influence on the course of the Patriotic war of 1812. Approaches of various researchers to these problems are analyzed and presented.

The article examines the direction and general tendencies of changing the methodological and organizational basis for the recognition of foreign qualifications in the Russian Federation and foreign countries, due to the rapid growth of international academic mobility, the strengthening of integration processes in education and the expansion of the international market of educational services. The main stages of these changes and their generalized characteristics are given. The article provides key factors of the formation of the national system for the recognition of foreign education and (or) qualifications in the Russian Federation. Features of its functioning are noted. It is concluded that over the past 25 years, the Russian Federation has formed a modern system for the recognition of qualifications harmonized with the current international practice of recognition and the requirements for Russia's effective participation in international educational cooperation.

On the example of D.D Trump’s inauguration the article examines the problem of the way the ceremony, being a factor of public diplomacy, influences the formation of a positive image of the United States. Particular attention is paid to the image of a politician as one of the mechanisms of public diplomacy. The scenario of the ceremonial of the solemn introduction into power of D.D. Trump (2017) is analyzed. The comparative analysis of the texts of B.Kh. Obama and D.D. Trump’s inaugural speeches as program documents of the domestic and foreign policy of the state is performed. The author concludes that the ceremony of inauguration, being one of the forms of visual communicative technologies, is an effective mechanism of public diplomacy, which in turn contributes to the development of partnership relations between states and the solution of international problems through peaceful means.

The article presents the review of the history and architecture of one of the most interesting architectural ensembles of Moscow region - the Troitsky Belopesotsky monastery. The authors give a brief historical overview of the legends and documentary evidence about the founder of the monastery and its foundation. The article also tells about the difficult fate of the monastery, which very soon after its foundation became an important fortress outpost of the ancient Russian city of Kashira. The authors raise such an important problem as the peculiarities of the originality of the planning composition of the monastery ensemble. The Trinity Belopesotsky monastery can be viewed in two different spatial aspects: first of all, it is an independent architectural complex, but it is also an architectural and natural ensemble complex on the banks of the Oka River. At present the triune consonance of nature and architecture is restored again - the city, the river, the monastery.

The article deals with the practice of voluntary participation of the population in carrying out statistical studies of zemstvos as an independent form of socially useful activity in public life in pre-revolutionary Russia. The author of the study turned to the socio-demographic portrait and the quantitative composition of voluntary correspondents by the example of the organization of a correspondent network in the Moscow province at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century, where it was created first in Russia and was widely developed.

The article considers the features of development of the homecrafts and the connection of Zvenigorod district of Moscow province with their natural, socio-economic characteristics in the late XIX - early XX centuries. The characteristics of homecrafts development in the region based on the specifics of the development of Moscow province in the years of the reforms are singled out and described. The author examines the tasks of the state policy in the field of handicraft production, analyzes the process of transformation of the handicraftsmen’s economic system in Moscow province in the general context of the Russian economy modernization.

This article studies the participation of the Union of Orthodox Women, formed in 1918, in the organization of Moscow's parish life in the new historical conditions, as well as its mutual relations with the Council of United Parishes. The author introduced into scientific circulation new archival materials on the life and work of S.D. Samarina, the first chairman of the Union, and analylized the published sources, among which special place is occupied by the materials from the office of Patriarch Tikhon and the memoirs of the members of the Samarin family. As a result, for the first time in historiography, it was possible to restore certain features of S.D. Samarina’s life. The author notes the commonality of her views on the key problems of public life, both in the pre-revolutionary period, and in 1918 with the position of her younger brother A. D. Samarin, chairman of the United Parishes Council of Moscow.

The article studies the activity of the Comintern during the inner-party discussion in the RCP (b) which took place in 1923-1924. The Comintern, being forced to maintain solidarity with the dominant Russian delegation, was not positioned as an organ capable of exercising a regulatory role in relation to the Communist parties that had equal-power.The principle of party inity, which had been approved at the X congress of the RCP (b), was transmitted into the sphere of the Comintern activities. In order to discredit Trotsky and his supporters, all his longstanding inner-party contradictions with Lenin were lined in a row and transmitted into the Comintern in 1924 to enlarge the scale of the discredit to the international level. The constructed “Trotskizm” was opposed to leninizm in all the lines. As a result of the party discussion, together with the resolutions of the V Congress of the Comintern, “Trotskizm” was condemned as a “petty-bourgeois slant”.

The paper attempts to give an objective historical coverage and analysis of the postwar era Soviet architecture in the context of the social conditions of the time. The article discusses the post-war concepts of urban development in the Soviet Union, as well as the concepts of developing the capital. The author analyzes the reasons for the transition to the construction of high-rise buildings in Moscow, the reasons for special attention of top leadership of the Soviet state to the high-rise construction. The article examines the positive effects of constructing Stalinist skyscrapers in Moscow.

The article considers the elements and functions of the system for the selection of personnel for military-political schools in the USSR. The author considers it possible to use the synthesis of information and experience in this field in the Armed forces of the Russian Federation. The characteristics of functioning of system elements for selecting candidates for admission to a military-political school are allocated and described. The qualitative and quantitative analysis of the work conducted is made.

The article considers the phenomenon of the return of intelligentsia to the Russian Orthodox Church in the 70s - 80s of the twentieth century. The increasing religiousness of some part of intelligentsia of the period under review is described. The reason for protesting against the postulates of the socialist system was the disappointment in the official party doctrine, which had turned into a dead dogma. It is shown that the protest against the tenets of the socialist system gave rise to the intelligentsia’s dissident movement, some of which had defined their religious identity, however, in a broad sense, were non-denominational. The"Orthodox dissidents"’ protest was directed not only against the policies of the party-state apparatus, but also against the "silent Church." Based on the study of the factor of intelligentsia’s religiousness, in contrast to the pronounced protest movement presented the other position seeking ideals of the intelligentsia, mostly gathered around the clergy and Church brotherhoods, expressed in the desire to be in a Church, created in her a certain intellectual, missionary environment.

The article analyzes the positions of the Republic of Moldova and the Moldovan Republic of Transnistria regarding the settlement of the "Transnistrian conflict" of 1992. It arose as a result of the Chisinau authorities’ intention to prohibit the use of the Russian language in the country and to unite with Romania. The split of Moldova into two states resulted in the creation of the latent military and political crisis in the region. The conflict is still unresolved. The international negotiations on the Transnistrian issue in the "5 + 2" format practically ceased. The war in the south-east of Ukraine strengthened the blockade of Transnistria, complicated the socio-economic situation of the population. The leadership of Moldova insists on a forceful version of reintegration, with which the population of Transnistria disagrees.

The author considers some specific features of political elite’s formation in the new state formations of Eurasia and their influence on the process of Eurasian integration. The locomotives of the Eurasian integration process are described as examples. The author made the comparative analysis of the political elite’s evolution in Russia and Kazakhstan in recent decades, the political transformation of the continental political landscape being the background for such evolution. Prospects for the evolution of the political elites in Russia and Kazakhstan are outlined.

The article analyzes the political and constitutional aspects of political conflict of 1993 in Russia. The causes and consequences of the conflict based on the conflict between the executive and the legislative power are discussed. The author reveals the basic background, the object and subject of the conflict. The article discusses the phases of the political crisis development the causes for its transition from the latent to the acute phase. The importance of the political conflict of 1993 for the future development of Russia is discussed. The result of the study was the elaboration of the theory of political crises on the example of the events of 1993. Despite the fact that the political crisis was very acute, it did not turn into a revolution due to the political elites’ greater focus on the development of the state, rather than the preservation of their own power.

The present article is devoted to the problem of social conscience crises in modern Russia. The topicality of the research is determined by the necessity to understand the processes of ideological myth-making of the political elites. The perspectives of forming Russian identity are scrutinized through the context of the geopolitical situation in the world and the realities of the XXI century. Content frames of the national idea of the new Russia are analyzed in terms of an attempt of trying to comprehend the experience of ideological building in the USSR and the West “multiculturalism” contradictions. Through applying the phenomenological methodology of studying social and cultural processes and the method of the comparative analysis of empirical data the author comes to the conclusion that the concepts of identity and self-identificational purpose-making are formend in the conditions of transforming the conditions and the structure of socio-political communication.

The article scrutinizes the traits and peculiarities of the modern Russian conservatism. The objective laws and main stages of its formation and development are found out. The reasons for the growth of its political influence are given. The main flows inside the conservative movement are characterized, as well as the specificity of their idelogical-political activities. First of all, the specificity connected with the attempts to modernize the political image and self-identification is studied. The social nature of the modern conservatism is disclosed. The conclusion is mad, which states that the position of the Russian conservatism inside the present political system is rather stable despite it has numerous problems. This stabitlity is defined by the support given by the substantial proportion of the ruling class.

The purpose of the study was to study the influence of social and economic factors on the electoral preferences of voters in the Republic of Dagestan, before the election of deputies on September 18, 2016, through a mass political and sociological survey. The author considers the political orientations of the respondents; the importance for them of elections as a way of forming public administration bodies; preferred type of the electoral system; evaluation of the methods of voting for deputies of legislative (representative) bodies of state power; the popularity rating of political parties of modern Russia; influence of confessional preferences on electoral behavior in Dagestan. The scientific novelty of the research is that the scientific experience of studying electoral preferences of voters has not yet been sufficiently accumulated in this subject in Russia and the subjects of the Russian Federation. As a conclusion of the study, it can be concluded that in the Republic of Dagestan, along with political, legal, cultural and demographic factors, socio-economic factors have a great impact on the political attitudes of the electorate.

The article covers the problems of using quantification while analizyng political processes and phenomena, namely the specifics of using quantification in political science. The author pays much attention to such methods of quantification as: scaling and indexing of political phenomena. As a result the conclusion is made that it is necessary to tie up together the measured amount, number, intensity or the degree of the political phenomena manifestations with the analisis of its inner content. The author considers it will help not only avoid accusations in formality and superficiality of the quantification procedure, but also help get the core of the studied political phenomena or process.

The article is devoted to the analysis of social reasons initiating the European policy of forcing migration flows and its consequences. The author focuses on the demographic situation in a number of European countries and reveals some of the prerequisites for an actual situation in this area. As a result of the research, the author comes to the conclusion that an attempt to replace the loss of bearers of the European cultural heritage by people from a different cultural environment leads to destructive social results in the present and can lead to a complete change of culture in Europe in the future.