The characteristic features of the spelling of the word “Yugoslavia” are identified and described, which will help the beginning researcher of Yugoslavian history to work with English sources and literature. The article presents possible spelling variants of the word “Yugoslavia” in the English literature and sources. The work is of interdisciplinary nature and can be used by both researchers and specialists in the modern history of European countries and the USA and by researchers of modern English. The author tracks the process of the formation, modification and standardization of the spelling norms of the word “Yugoslavia” in the English language, sources and literature.

The article considers some issues of Iranian-speaking tribes’ ethno genesis. The localization of Isseedons and Massagets is specified according to complex sources; their place in the Early Scythian history is established. The interrelation of the ancient narrative sources and the archeological monuments of the late II - first third of the I millennium BC is established through the classical methodology. The classical method was used to correlate the data of the written and archaeological monuments. The concept of four Indo-European pre-homelands and the localization of the Indo-Iranian pre-homeland in Central Europe is the theoretical basis for the author's adjustments about the directions of Iranian-speaking migrations in the Eurasian steppes.

The article deals with the Nazi political elite’s evaluation of the internal situation in Great Britain based on the reports of economic information bureau “Hamburg-Bremen”. The specified sources stored in the trophy funds of the Russian State Military Archive give a comprehensive account of the military, political and economic status of Great Britain. The author concludes that the peculiarities of the internal political situation in Great Britain could have influenced the acceleration of the Nazi territorial expansion.

This article discusses the struggle methods of the anti-war movement in the USA in the 60-ies of the twentieth century and analyzes the forms and means of protest of various public associations, closely linked to or forming part of the general anti-war movements, against the foreign policy of the US government in the period. The article considers the main stages of development of methods and forms of struggle of the anti-war movement during the 60s - from non-violent to the most radical. The author focuses on the role of media as a means of protest. According to the results of the research, the author makes a conclusion about the causes of the decline of the antiwar movement in the early 70-ies of XX century, despite the effectiveness of some methods of struggle.

The article highlights deep interests of the leading Western countries, united into the EU, in the development of the economic cooperation with the socialist countries of Eastern Europe in the years of “détente”. The analysis of these interests is based, first of all, on foreign publications of the 1970s. The results of the research are expressed (despite the critical approach), firstly, in the agreement with the statements about the “mutual benefit of economic cooperation” in the “era of détente”. Secondly, the conclusion is made that the West turned various forms of economic relations into the levers of influence on the East European countries with the aim of reducing their economic cooperation with the Soviet Union. Besides, it was the tool for the gradual transformation of the economies of the socialist countries in its economic and political interests. Thirdly; it is stated that government and party leadership of Eastern European countries underestimated the necessity to modernize industry, as well as the scale of the economic reforms during the years of detente, which opened the conditions for solving some of their economic and social problems.

This article focuses on the recent history of NATO's cyber defense and the increasing role of cyberspace on NATO's strategy, policy, and transformation of military forces, as well as the other elements of power. In general, the impact of cyberspace on the military defense systems is well documented in many sources, especially in the example of NATO. Due to this fact this problem was studied more profoundly. NATO was founded as an organization, the purpose of which was to ensure the collective defense, crisis management, and cooperative security in various spheres for its member nations. New global challenges gave a new birth to the core security functions of the organization. The study has resulted in showing the changes which cyberspace provoked.

The article is devoted to the public-political life in Russia that in the year of 1917, just between the February and October revolutions. The authors examine a variety of historical approaches to assessing the events which took place in that period. The study focuses on the activities of the Provisional government, the authors try to abstract away from the extreme views of traditional historiography and objectively look at the attempts of the highest authority to stabilize the situation in the country. The paper shows the inconsistency and ambiguity of the public-political processes in Russia in 1917. The novelty of the work lies in the fact that the study attempts to examine alternative options for the development of the situation in Russia between the two revolutions.

The article is devoted to the study of the mechanism of Soviet science organization in the first decades of its existence. The problem of interaction of the state-party nomenclature and Soviet scientific centers with the scientific community in the period of 1920-1930s is considered on the example of promoting scientific works by the Lenin Prize. Based on the analysis of scientific publications and documents of the archive of the Communist Academy, the principles for developing criteria and subsequent mechanisms for assessing the significance of scientific works from the standpoint of priority directions in the development of science and technology in the presentation of the Soviet leadership of that period of time are revealed.

The article considers the demographic problems in Moscow connected with mass delivery of quota workers to various spheres of national economy. The author analyzes the negative factors connected with their work at Moscow enterprises. The author considers the living conditions of the quota workers in working hostels, as well as the problems connected with the capital overpopulation, including the housing ones. Another group of issues is industrial one, in particular the problems connected with the introduction of scientific and technical achievements into the process of production.

The article is devoted to a comparative analysis of foreign elitological approaches. It is shown that, on the one hand, approaches to the study of elites do not contradict, but, on the contrary, organically supplement each other. On the other hand, part of the approaches, emerging against the background of criticism of previous theories, still retain certain continuity. The author comes to the conclusion that the use of conceptual heritage of various elitological approaches does not contradict the drawing up on their basis of a single list of criteria for assessing the activities of state-power elites.

The axiological approach to studying the stated issue is used. The result of the comparative analysis of the actual legislation, youth policy and modern Russian philosophers’ works is in the author’s ideology and content interpretation of the state policy in the sphere of patriotic upbringing. The author considers it to be the formation of civilization component of the Russian identity. The latter implies the young Russians to perceive themselves not only as the citizens of the Russian state but the citizens of the Russian world as a civilization community which embodies the unity and solidarity principles. The basis for realizing such policy should be the systemic activities of the state, aimed at making all the elements of the cultural complex active. The aim of it is to form the informational and symbolic environment where the value of patriotism is formed and strengthened. Among primary measures the author mentions those aimed at widening the practice of using the concept of active patriotism in the conditions of informational context of cultural life.

The article compares the legislative consolidation of political pluralism as a principle of the law-based state and its actual realization in Russia. According to the Constitution, the Russian Federation is a law-based state where the political variety and multiparty system is fixed. In Russian Federation parties are divided into ruling and oppositional ones, as well as into those being members of the parliament and non-parliamentary ones. The composition of the political parties in the Russian Federation and the sources of financing are analyzed. Despite the quality of the programs, developed by the political parties, not all of them are worth fighting for power. The article contrasts the quantity of the official representatives of the ruling parties with their quantity in the oppositional ones. The conclusion is made about little chances of the non-parliamentary parties to win the race for power at the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation, which is uncharacteristic for the states with high level of political pluralism.

School historical education in Russia is considered as an instrument of political socialization of a personality. The author singles out modern factors changing the content of political socialization. Among them: the impact of globalization processes, development of information and communication technology, ideological and political diversity and controversial policy of the media. It is stated that in such conditions it is school where the value attitudes of modern youth should be molded through the positive interpretation of native history. The attitudes should be oriented on strengthening of the state and society consolidation. Used by the author in the study, comparative-historical and problem-chronological methods allowed to come to the conclusion that despite temporary underestimation of the role of school history education in the upbringing of the younger generation, which took place in the 1920s or the 1990s, there was a change to the government’s growing awareness of this instrument significance for the political socialization of the youth. The article highlights the shortcomings inherent in modern school historical education. The ways to eliminate them are mentioned.